Amid Nigerians’ growing discontent with the prevailing socio-economic challenges and hardship afflicting the country, IMOLEAYO OYEDEYI examines the chronic contraction and lethargy that had rendered labour activism and movement fruitless for years in the country.
BARRING any last minute change, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) will be embarking on a two-day nationwide protest by Tuesday in reaction to the severe economic hardship and deteriorating insecurity ravaging the country, as well as the failure of the federal government to fully implement the agreements it had reached with the labour unions.
While notifying its affiliate unions of the proposed industrial action days before the expiration of the initial 14-day ultimatum the labour unions issued to the government to address a sixteen-point agreement reached over the re¬moval of subsidy on fuel, the NLC president, Comrade Joe Ajaero had said: “The NLC National Executive Council (NEC) at its last session considered the unfortunate state of our nation, the huge suffering pervading the country, the general crisis of living, the outrage expressed by the major¬ity, and the increased attendant fears of the continued conse¬quences of these policies and the persistent refusal of the govern¬ment to implement the tenets of the October Agreement.
“It also took notice of the decision of the National Administra¬tive Council (NAC) of both Congresses of the NLC and TUC to demand that the [October] agreement be implemented. To this end, NEC unani¬mously noted its deep disap¬pointment and condemned the actions of the federal government in refusing to implement the agreements.”
According to Ajaero, the NLC NEC reaffirmed the 14 days notice issued to the federal government within which to implement the agreement and address the mounting crisis of survival in Nigeria and consequently declared a 2-day national protest to take place on 27th and 28th of February to demonstrate outrage on the mounting hardship and insecurity around the nation. He continued that: “If the unions’ demands are not met after the nationwide protests to issue a seven-day notice that will ex¬pire on the 2nd day of March 2024 to the federal government, an indefinite nationwide strike will ensue.”
The crack within Organised Labour
But a few hours after Ajaero’s statement hit the airwaves, the Trade Union Congress (TUC) dramatically backed out of the proposed two-day nationwide protest, despite having taken part in the decision to issue a two-week ultimatum to the government. In a letter dated February 19, 2024, written by its Secretary General, Dr Nuhu Toro, the TUC said the NLC unilaterally took the decision on the planned protest.
“We are writing to address a matter of mutual concern and our disappointment regarding the recent unilateral issuance of two days national protest with specified dates.
“You will recall that both centres issued a joint statement with a 14-day ultimatum to the Federal Government. This ultimatum will expire on Thursday, February 22nd, and the right thing to do was for both leaders to review the situation and agree on the way forward before convening our respective NEC meetings.
“Our respective NEC is made up of highly intelligent individuals who are desirous that we both work together always in our collective interest. Even if we didn’t anticipate our NEC decision meetings, it is our responsibility as leaders to harmonise our positions before jointly going to the press.
“But our congress was greatly taken aback and dismayed to learn that you addressed the press and announced the dates for the nationwide protest without consulting us. Making arrangements for the press is even an indication that you have an idea of what the outcome of the NEC meeting will be. This action undermines the spirit of solidarity and cooperation that we have worked hard to foster.
“Nonetheless, we wish to state that such unilateral actions are contrary to the principles of our shared understanding and collaboration. To uphold the integrity of our partnership and ensure that the voices of all workers are heard, decisions of this nature must be made through open dialogue and consensus-building,” the TUC stated.
“At best, when the NLC conveys its NEC meeting on a subject of mutual concern, courtesy demands that we ought to have been informed so we can synergise on the way forward and not jump the gun. We cannot be seen to undermine the process of synergy and collaboration between both centres that predates the current leadership of both congresses,” it added.
According to the trade union, the NLC had taken such unilateral decisions three times in the last year, just as various interventions to correct the anomaly had failed. But while some observers have argued that the NLC is an independent labour centre that has the right to make self-regulating decisions, other analysts believe the anomaly, which signals a crack in the wall of the organised labour, epitomises the chronic contraction and lethargy that had rendered labour activism and movement fruitless for years in the country.
All over the world, labour and trade unions play significant roles by advocating for workers’ rights, promoting fair practices, and contributing to the development and implementation of workplace regulations. They also negotiate collective bargaining agreements, provide representation during disputes, and influence policy-making at the national level, especially in Nigerian kinds of situations where both state and federal workers often work for months without consistent salaries and paid allowances.
In saner climes, it is expected that the persistent failure of government at all levels in Nigeria to provide basic necessities to the vast improvised citizens of the country in the current democratic dispensation would have offered a solid ground for successive Nigerian labour leadership to fight for the teeming Nigerian workers they represent and command the kind of national affection and honour that the like of Herbert Macaulay, Eskor Toyo, Michael Imoudu, Wahab Goodluck, and Frank Kokori among others, enjoyed when they fought with their blood against colonial imperialism, military oppression and dictatorship.
The formation of NLC
The NLC, it will be recalled, was formally constituted as the country’s only national federation of trade unions in 1978. Before then, four labour centres existed, which were the Nigeria Trade Union Congress (NTUC), Labour Unity Front (LUF), United Labour Congress (ULC) and Nigeria Workers Council (NWC). The emergence of the NLC reportedly ended decades of rivalry and animosity involving the four centres and unions affiliated with them. The unions, numbering over 1,000, were also restructured into 42 industrial unions. The like of Wahab Goodluck (1978), Hassan Sunmonu (1979), Ali Ciroma (1984) had all ruled the NLC with admirable guts and grits, except Pascal Bafyau (1988), who many said, fraternised with the military. After the like of Kokori and others became the heroes of the June 12, 1993 struggle, labour activism took a dramatic dimension in the country in the post-military era with the like of Adams Oshiomhole (1999), Abdulwaheed Omar (2007-2011), Ayuba Wabba (2015-2023), and Ajaero, who heads the NLC currently.
But while Nigerians have since been relishing the heroism displayed by the old generation labour leaders, many observers said the new generation labour leaders beginning from Bafyau started repackaged labour activism to become self-serving and personal favour-seeking from governments, thereby starkly deviating from the established norms, culture, and traditions of labour movement in the country.
Those in this school of thought argued that the new generation labour leaders have consigned labour activism in the country to utter extinction by hobnobbing with government leaders for political appointments and pecuniary gains that have cruelly betrayed the interests of the Nigerian workers they had sworn to protect.
Former Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, Dr Reuben Abati, is one of those, who have publicly lamented the retrogression that has afflicted labour activism in the country in recent times. In a publication entitled: “How labour leaders deceived Nigeria” which he published in several national media in 2020, the former presidential spokesman said the new generation labour leaders have been unashamedly befriending the Nigerian rulers, and using their positions to bag lofty appointments and achieve long-time political ambition, while the face of true labour activism pale daily into insignificance in the country.
He said: “The biggest tragedy that has befallen organised labour in Nigeria is the thinking since 1999, that the leadership of labour can be used as a stepping stone to a bigger role in Nigeria. Labour leaders use their positions to negotiate big benefits. They mouth progressive slogans and parrot aggressive rhetoric but it is all a lie.”
The fraternity of labour leaders with politicians
According to Abati, the fraternity between labour leaders and the government dated back to the time of Bafyau reign under the military government. He said: “Under the military, Bafyau used the ladder of labour leadership to gain prominence. In view of this, Matthew Hassan Kukah, in his book entitled Democracy and Civil Society in Nigeria, considers Bafyau ‘a sell-out.’ But with the return to democracy in 1999, Oshiomhole then from the textile garments and tailoring union became the new labour hero. He put up a strong performance that convinced the public he was on their side. He could talk, dance and make communist-style speeches.
“The Obasanjo administration soon appointed him on the boards of government agencies. He had learnt well from Bafyau and was clever enough to avoid his mistakes. He would soon dance himself into partisan politics. He governed Edo State for two terms and later became chairman of Nigeria’s ruling party through which he became a godfather in Nigerian politics,” Abati said.
According to him, “Every labour leader after Oshiomhole wants to be like him. They too want to ride SUVs, enjoy unfettered access to the seat of power, and be godfathers in the country’s politics. The danger here is that this transmogrification of labour leadership in Nigeria, which began with Bafyau and raised to another level with Oshiomhole, created a new brand of labour activism that contradicts Nigeria’s norms, culture, and traditions.
“The new generation of opportunistic labour leaders has devalued the heroism of leaders such as Michael Imoudu, Herbert Macaulay, Eskor Toyo, Wahab Goodluck, the Sunmonu brothers and Frank Kokori, and a compromised labour leadership is a disgrace to the revolution,” Abati stated.
Speaking in a similar vein, the Director of Aminu Kano Centre for Democratic Studies (AKCDS), Habu Mohammed, in a recent interview with Sunday Tribune, attributed the lethargy characterising labour activism in the country to the involvement of the new generation labour leaders in politics, which he said has continued to make Nigerians doubt their ingenuity each time they call for any solidarity.
“The point is: the labour union and the TUC are not actually against the interest of the larger majority of Nigerians, particularly the workers. But what is happening today is that labour movement is taking a new dimension, due to the involvement of the labour leaders in politics,” he said.
According to him, “Even if the labour unions have a good national interest to protect, it is very difficult, if not impossible, for someone to be convinced that this is in the best interest of the Nigerian workers, because of their political attachment. And this is a very critical situation, because people have been expressing various displeasure at the state of the labour movement in the country. But I still believe that the demands of the NLC have been very objective so far. The only scar in the whole thing is the issue of politicisation. If not, I wonder why the recent brutalisation of the NLC leader in Imo State would require a nationwide strike.
“I agree with many people that there have been so many hard policies of the government that should have been interrogated by the labour unions at the national level. But unfortunately, because of the smearing involvement of the labour leaders in Nigerian politics, they rarely react as Nigerians expect. Indeed, what we usually see from the labour leaders is simply an impromptu declaration of strike, which they will call off after a day or two once the government has invited them to a meeting.
“The same thing happened late last year. The NLC had declared a strike, but the National Security Adviser called them for a meeting and they called off the strike immediately. This is simply to tell you that there are so many things underground, either because of their selfish interest or because they are gradually lacking the legitimacy of the Nigerian workers. It is obvious that union leaders nowadays succumb to the dictates of the government representatives at the so-called dialogue meeting. This is one of the greatest dilemmas challenging the labour movement in the country today,” Professor Muhammed stated.
New generation activists reflecting societal ills
However, those that have argued in support of the new generation NLC leaders have criticised those comparing their performance with those of the old generation that excelled during the military era.
One of those in this school of thought, Comrade James Eustace, who chairs the NLC branch of the Nigeria Civil Service Union (NCSU), had recently argued that labour movement is all about industrial relation, negotiations, and collective bargaining to arrive at an amicable resolution of issues of concern.
He said: “Industrial relation is not destructive. So people equate labour movement with a militant group that will always go on the offensive at every moment. So, those who are thinking from this perspective would tell you that an Omar regime was not as effective as an Oshiomhole regime, or an Ayuba regime is not as effective as Paschal regime. But labour relation is not all about I no go gree.
“Besides, the leadership trajectories in NLC that people are trying to compare are those that operated at different times under different dispensations. Those who operated under the military regime have every tendency to have shown some element of strong resistance that could have promoted their vibrancy because of the regime that was there at that time; while those who operated under a democratic dispensation also have operated under a different system,” Eustace explained.
The NLC pioneer president, Alhaji Hassan Sunmonu, had also corroborated this position in an interview with Sunday Tribune years back. In the interview, the foremost activist had said the new generation leaders are a gross reflection of the ills permeating the Nigerian society and should not be singled out for blame for the current state of lopsidedness of the country owing to the ineptitude of its successive governments to address its most pressing challenges year in, year out.
“Everybody is entitled to his or her opinion. And let me tell you that the crop of Nigerians we have today, whether you are a unionist or leader; are they not different from the crop of leaders that brought us independence? The workers and union leaders themselves don’t come from the moon. They are part of the Nigerian society.
“Unlike the present union leaders, I was fortunate to have been taught the ABC of unionism by a trailblazer in ideological clarity like Wahab Goodluck. But, the present union leaders are the product of the current Nigerian society. So we cannot use the template used during our time for the leaders now because society itself has evolved especially with technology.
“What most Nigerians believe is that once there is an industrial dispute between an employer and his employees, everything must end in strike. That’s the general belief but in my entire six-year tenure as president of NLC, we went on strike only once and it lasted for three days. A general in the Army does not use his most potent weapon in the beginning of a war. So, you don’t employ a strike except as the last weapon,” Chief Sunmonu said.
Reviving the spirit of labour activism
Speaking on how to revive the spirit of labour activism in the country, Professor Muhammed, however, said: “The solution is for the labour unions to disentangle itself from the umbilical cord of politics. This is the first thing to do. Once this is done, the union should then reach out for leaders, who will bring in the collective solidarity of the Nigerian population. This will help them to achieve whatever they want to achieve without being politicised or succumbing to ethnic or sectional interest, irrespective of any threat that may come from the government of the day when it comes to the issue of workers’ welfare, increase in wages, or any other issue affecting the sanity and livelihood of the Nigerian workers in general.
“Above all, let the labour union not be political, or sectional. As unionists, the NLC must be seen to be waging a consistent struggle against the Nigerian state over the economic hardship the entire Nigerian populace has been facing. Let the unions also concentrate only on vital issues that affect the general interests of Nigerian workers, rather than political issues that are not necessarily connected to the wider development of the Nigerian workers,” he added.
